Showing posts with label Roots and Influences. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Roots and Influences. Show all posts

Thursday, 22 December 2011

Spandau Ballet, the Blitz kids and the birth of the New Romantics

A movement that went on to dominate the charts and fashion worldwide grew out of a small club scene in London in the early 80s. One insider recalls how Steve Strange and Spandau Ballet revitalised the UK music scene

When my phone rang in January 1980, little did I realise its message meant: "Put out the cat. You're coming to the party of your life." The voice on the other end spoke without pausing: "My name's Steve Strange and I run a club called the Blitz on Tuesdays and I'm starting a cabaret night on Thursdays with a really great new band.... they combine synthesised dance music for the future with vocals akin to Sinatra, they're called Spandau Ballet and they're going to be really big…"

How could I know that this was my invitation to the Swinging 80s, where daily life would never sound or feel the same again? Paris and New York had steered the 1970s; now London was to become the creative powerhouse as Britain rode out a recession and its youth culture leapt back into the world spotlight.

One band defined a new direction for music and shifted its driving rhythm from the guitar to the bass and drum. They also made it hip to play pop. They were Spandau Ballet, who within three years went from leaders of a cult to one of four British groups (with Duran Duran, Culture Club and Wham!) who led dozens of stylish young clubland acts into the charts. They spread the new sounds and styles of London around the globe so that designers of its street fashion, too, became the toast of world capitals. And all because, unknown to a backward record business, a vast dance underground was gagging for a revolution in club culture.

Every Tuesday for a year, Strange had been declaring a "private party" in the shabby Blitz wine bar off Covent Garden. Outrage secured entry. Inside, precocious 19-year-olds presented an eye-stopping collage, posing away in wondrous ensembles, emphatic make-up and in-flight haircuts that made you feel normality was a sin. Hammer Horror met Rank starlet. Here was Lady Ample Eyefull, there Sir Gesting Sharpfellow, lads in breeches and frilly shirts, white stockings and ballet pumps, girls as Left Bank whores or stiletto-heeled vamps dressed for cocktails in a Berlin cabaret, wicked witches, kohl-eyed ghouls, futuristic man machines.

The soundtrack at this self-styled "electro-diskow" was hard-edged European disco, synth-led, but bass-heavy: German sounds such as Kraftwerk and Gina X, Giorgio Moroder, dissonant no wave on the Ze label, and always Bowie. Plinky robot sounds inspired dances with anglepoise limbs and an unmoving chin, while an overstated yet elegant jive saw partners hold both hands and raise knees as high as their waists. This spectacle shouted newness.

"The Blitz ruled people's lives. Exactly that," says Stephen Jones, then making hats at St Martin's School of Art, this year celebrated with a retrospective at the V&A. "A nightclub inspired absolute devotion of the kind previously reserved for a pop idol. I'd find people at the Blitz who were possible only in my imagination. But they were real."

Shrouding any pleasure in ritual magnifies its intensity and the Blitz was all ritual. Everyone supped and danced on the same spot every week according to some invisible floorplan: downstairs near the bar stood the boys in the band (no make-up), their media and management by the stairs, credible punk legends such as Siouxsie Sioux along the bar, suburban wannabes beside the dancefloor. Deep within the club, around Rusty Egan's DJ booth, were the dedicated dancing feet, the white-faced shock troops, the fashionista elite – either there or near the cloakroom, ruled first by Julia Fodor (still going strong as DJ Princess Julia) and later by George O'Dowd (less strong today as ex-jailbird Boy George). Downstairs, the women's loo was hijacked, naturally, by boys who would be girls. Upstairs on the railway banquettes might be respected alumni from an earlier London: film-maker Derek Jarman, artists Brian Clarke and Kevin Whitney, designers Antony Price and Zandra Rhodes.
In those early days Spandau bassist Martin Kemp, who learned to play because his big brother asked him, used to say: "I'm not really a musician. I belong in a club dressed as sharp as a razor. That's the thrill – just being there at 3am, excited by where you are and the people sharing the night with you." When Steve Strange eyeballed you at the door of his club, your look alone did not guarantee admission. He did not want passive consumers but "people who created unique identities". By taking Bowie at his word to be "heroes just for one day", you were expected to become one of the new names to drop.

It took a good year before the media caught up. In a ring-fenced page of cool that I edited in London's Evening Standard, I had dubbed these preening egos the Now Crowd since they lived so much for the moment. Two of the Blitz's tyro journos – Perry Haines and Robert Elms – had proclaimed them Herald Angels and Dandy Dilettantes. The national press came up with New Dandies, Romantic Rebels and the Blitz Kids, which is what stuck. Finally, in September 1980 this prompted the New Romantics headline (ouch!) in the music weekly Sounds. Everybody winced and denied membership.
No longer a weekly secret society, the Blitz became a publicity machine for the pose age. Attendance became a statement of intent – to lead a life of style seven days a week. When Bowie visited the Blitz he hauled away four of the kids to strut with his pierrot through the video for Ashes to Ashes. It earned each of them £50, helped Bowie to No 1 and launched a fad for Judi Frankland's ankle-length liturgical robes (inspired, she says, by the nuns in The Sound of Music).

It seemed inevitable that an unknown band should step out from the Blitz's sexually ambivalent ranks, eclectically garbed, crimped into wedge hair, and uplit theatrically by another art student, Simon Withers. Spandau Ballet sounded defiantly un-rocklike by playing the new synthesised electro-pop and singing about being "beautiful and clean and so very, very young". Their songsmith Gary Kemp claimed pointedly: "We are making the most contemporary statement in fashion and music."

If you've travelled this far, suspend disbelief one moment more. Earlier this year, when Spandau Ballet announced this autumn's reunion tour, Blitz Kid Dylan Jones, editor once of i-D and now of GQ, wrote unequivocally: "It is impossible to stress too highly how achingly fashionable Spandau Ballet were in the winter of 1979 and the summer of 1980."

Since Spandau's last live performance in March 1990 a perception has grown that the New Romantics were a passing fad, signifying little, and folk memory casts Spandau Ballet and their Brummie rivals, Duran Duran, as Thatcherites who sold out rock's rebel status.

In response to that, try this bold claim. When Spandau Ballet emerged, their strategy was to enlist their entourage of creative night owls not only to stage-manage the fastest launch yet of a new band but also to redefine youth culture in the working-class terms prescribed by the late George Melly, author of the essential paperback Revolt Into Style (1970). He claimed the first duty of pop is to "trap the present" and express the aspirations of society "as it is", not as others would wish. The Durannies, on the other hand, had nakedly commercial ambitions.

Spandau placed fresh emphasis on clothes and presentation, on self-respect conveyed both by the voice of Tony Hadley, and by dislocated lyrics underpinned with streetwise conviction. Spandau Ballet defined the new direction of pop by opening a debate about the credibility of "pure pop" as a celebration of the sexiness of youth, then claiming to have relegated "rock" to the album charts for good. Today in the eyes of their schoolmate turned manager, Steve Dagger, that makes them "the bravest band – we put up a flag musically and culturally".

If we recast the 80s as a subcultural timeline, the decade actually spanned six years. They began in June 1978 when David Bowie's world tour hit the UK and ended with Do They Know It's Christmas? in December 1984, when Band Aid confirmed rival groups who had risen on the same wave as a new pop establishment.

Though the May 1979 election put Margaret Thatcher in power, the term Thatcherism, describing both her political radicalism and her imperative to create "popular capitalism", did not come into general use until her second term. Amid the last spasms of the Labour government's "winter of discontent", times were hard and the future looked desperate as unemployment rose, then as now, towards 3 million. Even graduates were told they faced the prospect of no jobs – a trend at its worst in the south-east, where joblessness among school-leavers doubled in 1979 alone. "The city was broken," says Gary Kemp, talking about London, "it was a horrible place." The record industry had stalled, sales were declining, the charts were bland. Dagger, whose childhood memories are consumed by the Swinging 60s and the buzz the mods brought to Soho, right on his doorstep, says: "I badly wanted a new swinging London. There had to be a way…"

Dagger is the svengali behind the rise of the Angel Boys, as the five lads in Spandau Ballet were known, after the inner London district in which they grew up. He knew all there was to know about true mods like Steve Marriott's Small Faces who wore the sharpest skinny styles from Italy and curtained hair with centre partings.

The direct heirs of mod were plastic-sandalled soul boys like Dagger and Withers, then on a foundation course at St Martin's. Their paths soon crossed those of two lads from Barnet, graphics student Graham Smith and history student Robert Elms, plus a tall obsessive Welshman, Chris Sullivan, a northern soul dance fiend, whose mantra was "one look lasts a day". This little gang were the dynamos who set 80s music spinning.

Heading toward the same intersection in 1979 were Gary Kemp's moptop band who had given thrash and power pop a go, first as the Makers and then the Gentry. Dagger recognised that what they needed was a scene with which to align themselves.

Life before personal computers is hard to imagine but the words quaint and naff will do. In the 70s new technology ran to Space Invaders, ghetto‑blasters and digital watches. Mass media amounted to three channels of TV offering two weekly pop shows, plus the grown-up newspapers and four music weeklies. In 1980, the Daily Telegraph described discos as a "dehumanising threat to civilisation". No kidding.

It wasn't only the music scene that was dull. Before Blitz culture, there were no "style gurus" to propose what to wear. You dressed either as a Top Rank disco kid, a new waver in black drains and narrow tie, or one of those mutants like mohican punk or skinhead. That's why dressing up at the Blitz became an act of affirmation. The Blitz Kids were the first children of the television age, wise in the ways of the popular media, and they set out to subvert the realms the young know best, music and fashion. Gary Kemp said then: "A cultural identity is a great outlet for people's frustrations. Kids have always spent what little they have on records and haircuts. They've never spent it on books by Karl Marx."

The crucible for their ambitions has since become the nightlife norm: the one-off club night as pioneered in 1978 by Rich Kids drummer Rusty Egan. He printed a flyer declaring "fame fame fame" to lure Bowie outcasts to the un-punk safety of a tacky gay dive called Billy's, in Soho. In common with London's posher clubs, Tuesdays there were a dead zone. "I'll fill it for you," said Egan, establishing the principle of bar profits to the club owner, door profits to the hosts, who soon included Egan's flatmate vetting the door: pop wannabe Steve Strange, another Welsh graduate of the UK soul circuit who worked at the flouncy clothes shop PX which came to fix the New Romantic look.
By February 1979, the axis of Strange as greeter and Egan as DJ had graduated to the Blitz, a bar decorated with Second World War austerity that was thought to echo the down‑at‑heel 70s: bare floorboards, gingham tablecloths, hanging lights with dusty enamel shades, framed pictures of Churchill. Its manager, Brendan Connolly, had been struggling to promote intimate cabaret, and the Billy's crowd were cabaret incarnate.

The Blitz creed distrusted anyone over 25. Chris Sullivan, by then a St Martin's fashion student busy reinventing the zoot suit, said at the time: "Young people are no longer prepared to be sold clothes they don't like or go to clubs playing records they don't want to hear, being run by grunters three times their age, and having to pay for the privilege. When the Blitz opened, for a start it was cheap, but it was also extraordinary to have someone aged 19 vetting the door."

Spandau were the vital extra ingredient that pushed the Blitz into its critical phase. Their mission: to return pop to what Gary Kemp called a "visual extravaganza" in the spirit of Ziggy Stardust. Dagger determined to outwit the moribund A&R men ("There wasn't one that I rated") and change the way bands were signed. Kemp, who despised the racism of the anti-soul music press, determined to outflank these self-regarding gatekeepers. Their selectivity was an insult to the age-old two-way traffic between the UK and US and our gift for "enwhitening" their black beats.

The wind-up exploited two assets unique to 1980. First was the pent-up demand from Britain's vast and social soul scene, a grapevine ready-made for spreading the word. Second, the Angel Boys' entourage of otherwise unemployed Blitz Kids suddenly found careers in the tax-free world of what Whitehall started calling "the economically active" by dressing, photographing, staging and promoting the band. What united this collision, in Elms's words, of white face with white sock? Dagger was clear: "We were all in it together to cause a revolution."

High among Angel Boy priorities was the class war. Raised among Islington's tough council estates, most declared their paid-up Labour party credentials (possibly with the exception of Hadley). Gary Kemp's eloquent and frank new autobiography, I Know This Much, paints an affecting picture of his own humble upbringing in the 1960s, when, in contrast to the swinging going on in Chelsea, his family life included a shared outside WC, a "good wash" weekly at the kitchen sink, and parents well skilled in subsistence and thrift.

He believed in the traditional desire for a better life through your own endeavours. He would insist that there were more important incentives for change than money, while admitting, "OK, I'm acquisitive, but my moral viewpoint has always been left wing." One of Kemp's incentives was to best the NME. Mere mention of the paper and its "stereotyped class attitudes" had him fuming.
Kemp argued: "They don't understand style in working-class terms: they think it means money. Well, it doesn't. One of the most difficult things is explaining what style is to middle-class journalists because they always connect style with being bourgeois and they spend their whole lives trying to escape it. I don't feel guilty because I've made enough money to own my own home. It's only the middle classes who feel that kind of guilt."

Such perceived antipathy is the reason why Dagger refused to let most rock writers near his group throughout Spandau's first year, because he knew so few had ever been inside a nightclub. "What's more, they can't dance," he'd snort.

In his view this Jets v Sharks divide is the reason the music press has missed the start of every major trend since rock'n'roll, "and they've never liked soul", so before winning access to Spandau, he subjected all interviewers to discreet vetting. Applicants wearing denim or Doc Martens never reached the shortlist.

Such was the rigour that Spandau's coalition of 20-year-old talents brought to executing the whirlwind wind-up that it became a template for every New Romantics "rumour band":

(1) They staged secret "tease dates", never "gigs", at clubs and venues calculated to annoy the rockists, such as the Blitz, an art-house cinema, or a warship on the Thames. The audience got in only by looking good – which applied to critics, too.

(2) They refused to send demo tapes or invite inviting record companies to shows, so few insiders actually knew how the band sounded.

(3) Seemingly a band with no past, Spandau crafted an artful creation myth around the Blitz's postmodern themes: Bowie's "just for one day" notion of disposable identities, and of bricolage in which the band's baffling name was supposedly plucked arbitrarily by Elms from some graffiti in Berlin. The Blitz's motormouths and myth-makers were a gift to the media.

Concerts were put together with loving care. The most OTT secret date they played was in March 1980, the first of two at the arty Scala cinema. Following two surrealist Buñuel films, Elms stepped up to declaim some toe-curling blank verse, then Spandau were revealed casting stark expressionist shadows on the screen, fully romanticised with blousy shirts and wing collars and an insouciant cigarette in the raised hand of their tall, striking singer. Gary Kemp stabbed out Spandau's signature chords on the synth, guitarists Norman and Kemp junior held their instruments high against the chest in an arch anti-rock stance, while John Keeble hit his bass drum four-to-the-floor. Instantly, incandescent Blitz Kids swarmed into the aisles to demonstrate their oh-so photogenic dances and all the forces behind a cultural revolution worked overtime for their column inches.

To ensure favourable publicity, Dagger commissioned Spandau's first review, from Elms, and marched him down to NME to hand it in. I commissioned another for a national paper whose pop pages I quietly edited on the side, and the same writer Barry Cain returned to his desk at Record Mirror to relay the Angel Boys' romanticised vision of the class struggle through "working-class elitism" and Kemp's claim that the "funny clothes" spoke for "a whole attitude to life".

The fallout from this flurry of press included a TV documentary built around this group of obsessive dressers for 20th Century Box on London Weekend. The Scala spectacle was restaged, and after its transmission in mid-July the music bizzy-bodies set Dagger's phone jangling.

Spandau Ballet had played only eight live dates before signing an unrivalled contract worth £300,000 in today's money. In the end only two record companies "got" what Spandau were about, CBS and Chrysalis, and the second won by agreeing to greater creative freedom. The band secured an unprecedented package: 14% against the norm of 8%, their own record label, Reformation, to manage publishing rights and merchandising; a promotional video and a 12-inch club mix with each single, which were firsts for a British band. And they agreed in the spirit of democracy to a six-way split of the proceeds, Dagger being de facto a member of the band.

Two weeks after release, their first single, To Cut a Long Story Short, entered the charts and reached No 5. It was danceable, melodic and the vocalist could sing. As cult sounds went, this was unique. They called their new genre "White European Dance Music".

Within weeks of Spandau's hit, Britain's clubbing grapevine put yet more clubland bands into the charts, many unveiled by sharp young managers the same age as the talent. In the Blitz slipstream, a dynasty of 35 new-look acts charted during 1981 alone, including Visage, Ultravox, Duran Duran, the Human League, Heaven 17, Depeche Mode, Soft Cell, Toyah, Blue Rondo, ABC. That this was one of the most fertile years for British pop since the 60s was visible in the Top of the Pops Christmas shows a year apart. As 1980 closed, the Angel Boys leapt from the screen as the only act playing new music. By Christmas 1981, TOTP was given a sparkling neon-tech setting and a demented dance troupe called Zoo. That year Spandau were but one among a phalanx of visual shockers from the Human League to Soft Cell.

In the next three years a second wave of image-led acts refreshed the pop charts to become household names: Bananarama, Yazoo, Blancmange, Culture Club, Wham!, Thompson Twins, Frankie Goes to Hollywood. Insolence and narcissism lit a torch that led a generation through what might have been a dark age, for by 1983 one-third of Britain's jobless were under 25. The blitzkrieg took a giant leap for everyone on the right side of 40, especially in TV and publishing, which had lost touch with the young, just as the politicians had. Crucial magazines lit the way: in 1980 The Face, where Elms became chief chronicler of the scene and I brought photo-reportage from New Romantic clubs across the land; also in 1980, Terry Jones launched i-D which spread attitude and irony through its "straight-up" style of street photography; then, in 1981, came the glossy New Sounds New Styles, which was the main platform for four of us known as the Rebel Writers who swore death to rock.

The Face was the accelerator that drove mainstream journalism to adopt "style" pages. Television launched edgy "yoof" programmes that broke taboos so every clubber who wasn't "putting a band together" was "submitting a treatment to Channel 4", which had decided close to its 1982 launch to target a 15-30s audience. Marketing and retail, too, had to have "one of those kids with blue hair".
As clubs became workplaces and nightlife the essential engine of cultural evolution, they liberated music, design and, especially, ambition. In 1978, London offered only one hip club a week; by 1984 Time Out magazine was listing 50, while the British Tourist Authority reported that dancing was a serious reason visitors gave for visiting the UK. London Transport rolled out a whole network of night buses.

To be young in that dawn was very heaven. British youth is what the world's pop fans wanted – in America, especially, twentysomethings craved groups of their own age. Britain's visual kaleidoscope of cults was exactly what fed MTV from its launch in 1982 and loosened the stranglehold music radio once held. During Spandau's US tour in November 1983, alongside their hit True in the Billboard Top 40 there were 17 other British bands – more than the Swinging 60s ever knew.

Staying one step ahead of current style was one key to Spandau's rise, and it meant reinventing their sound every year. For their 2009 Reformation tour they have recorded a bravely acoustic, unplugged album by which sceptics will be able to measure their worth. It gives their greatest hits a 21st-century flavour, according to sax player Steve Norman, taking them to some "very dark, different place". For only the second time, Norman enjoys a songwriting credit for the likely new single, Once More. This, however, is "a stomping power ballad back in the epic mould" to keep the core fans sweet. A taste of yesteryear, but another step forward, too.

In 1983, Margaret Thatcher was re-elected and presided over a consumer boom until 1985. Then along came Stock Aitken and Waterman to make more than 100 UK top 40 hits and a return to the blandness of corporate brands; the rest is not very interesting history.

The Swinging 80s had been a tumultuous period of transition from a nation of makers into one of servants, when a seismic shift of attitudes wrenched many levers of power away from the over-40s who decided the nation's fate. Gary Kemp is satisfied with his band's contribution: "The rockists had been guarding their futures. We found a way through and made it easier for others to follow. We helped make the future the country of the young. And we dance differently there."

http://www.guardian.co.uk/music/2009/oct/04/spandau-ballet-new-romantics

Metropolis, mother of sci-fi movies, reborn in Berlin


Fritz Lang's futuristic 1927 masterpiece to be shown in full for first time after lost scenes are restored.

Film buffs from around the world have gathered in Berlin to catch the first glimpse of a restored, full-length "director's cut" of the sci-fi epic Metropolis that has not been seen for 83 years.

The resurrection of Fritz Lang's 1927 silent futuristic thriller follows the discovery in Buenos Aires two years ago of scenes that were thought lost for ever on the cutting room floor.

The homecoming is being celebrated with simultaneous screenings – with orchestral accompaniment – tomorrow evening across Germany.

Evoking the glamour and decadence of the Weimar era in which the film celebrated its original premiere, a gala screening will be held at Berlin's Friedrichstadtpalast, a revue theatre best known for its 1930s-style female chorus lines and cabaret.

Berlin's Radio Symphony Orchestra will play Gottfried Huppertz's original score in Berlin and several Hollywood stars, including Leonardo DiCaprio, are expected to be among the guests in Berlin for the screening, which critics have hailed as the highlight of this year's Berlin film festival, the Berlinale.

In keeping with the festival's ethos that it is not the preserve of VIPs, Metropolis will be beamed on to a huge screen at the Brandenburg Gate. Thousands are expected to brave the cold for a chance to see the 150-minute screening.

Film historians say the restored version gives more depth and new meaning to the cult movie, set in a futuristic city-state where the ruling class amuse themselves in "pleasure parlours" while the poor slave away underground.

The film cost 5m Reichsmarks, making it the most expensive picture of its day. It had a cast of 36,000 and was shot over 17 months.

But it flopped in Germany, after audiences and critics alike panned it. The ­science fiction writer HG Wells said "in one eddying concentration" it gave "almost every possible foolishness, cliche, platitude and muddlement about mechanical progress ... served up with a sauce of sentimentality that is all its own".

But Metropolis is now seen as the mother of sci-fi movies, an inspiration for film-makers such as George Lucas and Ridley Scott.

Key scenes were cut from the original picture because its distributor, Paramount, considered it too unwieldy for the American market. Protagonists were given new, American names, the insert titles were rewritten and scenes re-edited to keep the action comprehensible after the 30-minute cuts.

The tampering appalled Fritz Lang, who described Paramount's intervention as "mindless and dictatorial".

The cut footage was thought to have been lost, until 2008 when an Argentinian film historian began to search for it. In the archives of the Museo del Cine, Fernando Martin Pena tracked down a 16mm duplicate of the original 35mm export version. It had been sent to Buenos Aires before Paramount made the chop.

Today's cinephiles will be able to see the version that experts have spent months restoring. But it still shows the cuts and mutiliations that the missing parts have suffered over the past eight decades.

"We cleaned the film so that you can recognise the pictures, but you can't get rid of all the scratches and marks," said Martin Koerber, the lead restorer.

Metropolis aficionados will be concentrating less on the streaky screen – which in parts resembles a heavy downpour – and more on the unfamiliar way the film now unfolds as Lang intended. The new version restores characters who had been sidelined or removed and elucidates parts of the hitherto dizzying plot, such as why Maria, the workers' insurrectionist leader, is mistaken for a female robot.

Other changes include the reintroduction of the character of a spy; the expansion of the role of a character who helps the idealistic Freder gain access to the underworld; and the restoration of much of the drama and violence to a scene in which children are saved from slavery.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/film/2010/feb/11/metropolis-fritz-lang-berlin

Lucien Freud and Leigh Bowery

Artist: Lucian Freud, born in Berlin in 1922. His parents left for Britain in 1933 and Freud became a British citizen in 1939. He is unique as a 20th-century painter in his dedication to the portrait he has expanded the portrait's territory from faces to naked knees, nipples, feet and genitals.

Freud has no living rivals as a painter of portraits.

Subject: Leigh Bowery (1961- 94), a man of gargantuan scale physically and culturally, a transvestite performance artist, fetishist designer, leader of the band Minty and theatrical giver of birth.

Distinguishing features: Bowery is a character out of Renaissance art - perhaps Silenus, the companion of Dionysus. His flesh is a magnificent ruin, at once damaged and riotously alive. Who knew skin was so particoloured? To count the hues of even one of his feet is impossible: purple, grey, yellow, brown, the paint creamy, calloused, bulging. In a velvet chair tilted down towards us on the raked stage of the wooden studio floor, his mass looms up and dwarfs us. Walk close your eyes are probably the height of his penis. Bowery's violet-domed, wrinkly tube hangs between thighs marked with sinister spots or cuts his knees are massive. Bowery is a painted monument who quietly contemplates his existence inside this flesh.

This is the first portrait in a series that Freud began after seeing the performer strut his stuff at the Anthony d'Offay Gallery in 1988. Bowery regularly appeared on high heels, wearing latex body stockings and masks his vocals for his art band Minty were mainly orgiastic screams over rasping feedback. "I found him perfectly beautiful," Freud said when Bowery came to his studio and posed nude. What was planned as one portrait became a sequence. Bowery's presence in the studio is another performance, a self-revealing act of theatre. Bowery was a man who liked to wear disguises - a masked reveller, here unmasked. Freud is sometimes accused of sadism toward his models. But Bowery was a subject able to answer back, someone with enough charisma and courage to face the artist's inquiry head on.

Some of the paintings in this series are named for Leigh Bowery others are called more impersonal things such as Naked Man, Back View (1991-92). That painting treats Bowery as sublime spectacle: his body's hugeness is examined in a decoratively grotesque way.

This painting, by contrast, is noble, lyrical and loving. There's a comedy to the squareness of Bowery's torso and the sagging second face of his nipples and belly. But look at the grace of his left hand draped over the chair, the colossal scale of his feet. Those are a Roman emperor's feet. After a career of more than half a century, Freud can legitimate be compared to the supreme masters of the portrait, even to Rembrandt and Velazquez.

Inspirations and influences: The ambition of Freud's portraiture demands comparison with the Old Masters. Freud has even done a series of self-portraits over the years, charting his progress from handsome young man to naked old artist waving his brush like a weapon in Painter Working, Reflection (1993). Where Rembrandt painted people in elaborate costumes, Freud is a painter of nakedness his antecedents are the great French painters of the body - Gericault, Courbet, Manet and Degas. This monumental portrait most of all evokes the grand political portraits of Jacques Louis David.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/culture/2000/nov/18/art

Leigh Bowery

Leigh Bowery was drawn to London by punk rock, which in 1976 had reacted against fashion, media, art and pop to create its own language of revolt and transgression. Aside from the tremendous notoriety of The Sex Pistols, The Vibrators and The Clash, there was a burgeoning club scene which would quickly extend the boundaries of punk into hitherto white space on the cultural map. Punk was a possibility, as much as anything, and the metaphors of violence, artifice and transvestism which had already surfaced in the proto-punk theatre of Bowie and Kemp could be taken up by anyone and quickly extended through music, street-dressing or simply by going out. Punk fashion, beyond the high fashion of SEX and Seditionaries, was home-made and distinguished by its intentions. For Bowery, coming from Australia, going out could become an art form in its own right.

From the beginning of his public reputation, Bowery made personal statements which were only articulate through the medium of the body. In short, Bowery’s aesthetic had the effect of taking the extravagant costuming and make-up of Kemp’s Flowers and wearing them on the tube, or in the supermarket. This was art beyond the gallery, made possible by punk but unconnected to any single fashion or trend. Certainly, in fine art terms, there was nothing to compare with it; the nearest comparison would be Warhol’s superstars, but Bowery has exchanged the traditions of simple drag for a personal surrealism.

Bowery’s costuming and make-up has usually taken the form of extending his appearance to a limit which would be unacceptable - and inaccessible - to the imagination of fashion. He has made use of images - heavy bright spots beneath a blonde perm, or blue ink dripping down the sides of a white skull cap - which are cartoon-like and absurd in themselves, and worn them as personal fashion. Thus his outfits are unique to his ideas. The results can be grotesque or disarmingly pretty, but they never correspond to any orthodoxy already apparent in pop, fashion or art.

In the early 80s, with a revival of interest in the ‘transgressive’ writings of Georges Bataille, a group of writers, performers and filmmakers were brought together by Paul Buck to create three evenings of ‘celebration’ at The Bloomsbury Theatre, London, entitled ‘Violence Silence’. Inevitably, some of these readings and performances were devoted to considerations of sexual and satanic ritual, coarsely interpreting Bataille’s investigations of the relationship between literature and evil. Genesis P. Orridge and his performances with COUM in the 70s had already presented sexual acts as public performances, and by the time of ‘Violence Silence’, the intellectual underpinning of such work had been fully rehearsed. As with Ziggy Stardust, A Clockwork Orange, Flowers and proto-punk fashion, one can see in the championing of Bataille by London-based artists and filmmakers a continuation of the aesthetic which seems to have informed Bowery. It is a self-proclaimed underground culture, existing on a cusp between performance art and fashionable club culture, yet it is wholly immovable from its opposition of orthodoxy. Bowery distrusts the reported interview, yet it is fair to paraphrase his belief that words such as ‘shocking’ or ‘beautiful’ hold no meaning for him; he does not think or create in those terms. The lateral connection between the artists contributing to ‘Violent Silence’, the infamous ‘Anti Art’ show held in Camden Town and the early performances of Michael Clark can be seen as being embodied in the informal appearances of Leigh Bowery as an underground social celebrity. Unconnected to a specific medium, venue or gallery, Bowery could inject the luridly vivid power of his created presence as a kind of alternative muse - a zeitgeist made real - to the pop artistic activity of the time.

Around this time there were fewer figures more fashionable than Bowery in terms of his post-modern collage of media and intentions, but he remained firmly outside of fashion itself. He was feted and demanded by artists and designers as a presiding genius: the success of Clark’s groundbreaking ballets was due in part to Bowery’s presence, as were the designs of Body Map. Bowery worked on the extreme edge of self-expression, making himself as relevant to Culture Club’s soft pop as to the sexual politics of Clark’s work. There was always an element of clumsiness in Bowery’s appearances - a reference to the traditional drag parody of sluttish or matronly dignity, used by pantomime dames as much as Lily Savage or Hinge and Bracket. This quality of vulgar femininity (or vulgarised femininity) was made genuinely transsexual by many of Bowery’s outfits. Unlike the late Divine, who was modelled on a grotesque American matron, Bowery became an hermaphrodite character whose sexuality was either lobotomised or masked. As a sign, his body was singular.

The mid-80s saw Bowery’s first involvement with the work of Mark E. Smith and The Fall. Smith, like Bowery, is an artist who works outside of fashionability to the point that he is never fashionable yet always in fashion. Smith’s play, Hey Luciani!, was premiered at The Riverside Studios in 1987, and featured Bowery as a papal figure. Hey Luciani! was based loosely on the five days between the election and death of Pope John Paul I and showcased new songs from The Fall’s Bend Sinister LP, while merging Smith’s fractured prose with performance and film. Smith’s language of grotesque comedy, personal polemic and vicious satire was perfectly suited to Bowery’s persona as a kind of free-floating allegorical figure, and as a marriage of sensibilities the play was a success. In 1988, when Bowery performed with Michael Clark in Smith’s I Am Kurious, Oranj the increased professionalism of the production lost the rough edges which had made Hey Luciani! more engaging. Now regarded as a member of Michael Clark’s company, Bowery was clearly uncomfortable with the more formal, high art productions which Clark’s increasing celebrity commanded. The old fate of an underground which becomes merely fashionable seemed to lie in wait by the end of the 80s. Both Smith and Bowery drew strength from being on the outside at a time when fashionable pop society wanted them to become insiders’ insiders.

Increasingly famous as a prime candidate for Sunday supplement questionnaires and ‘guest appearances’ on fashion catwalks, Bowery’s real work was being produced in clubs such as Taboo at Leicester Square’s Maximus. Returned to the limitless, non-art medium of the ‘art of going out’, Bowery could recreate his appearance and his ‘performance’ according to his own chosen milieu. Interestingly, his performances at the Anthony d’Offay gallery were little more than extensions of his own ritual of studying himself in the mirror. By partitioning the gallery with a one way mirror, thus allowing the viewers to watch Bowery looking at himself, Bowery was having the last laugh at the expense of formal art. Like Warhol’s appearances in a glass-fronted cubicle, his performances involved nothing more than ‘being himself’. There could be no possible ‘art dialogue’ between Bowery and his audience: it was like a conversation between people who have no common language. Bowery was a ‘phenomenon’ - a self-reflecting signifier of a particular state of mind. By painting make-up on to gauze masks, using prosthetics and piercing, Bowery can turn himself into a character who explores, clumsily or stubbornly, his own desires and fetishes. To paraphrase once more, he will always be interested in presenting private sexual or bodily rituals as entertainment.

The culmination of Bowery’s career to date is his work with his pop group, Minty. Musically, Minty have been compared to Magazine and Wayne County, but for the generations who missed punk rock those references will matter less than the group’s utter dissimilarity to prevalent techno or indie guitar rock. Minty have the trash aesthetic of some early punk, developing their songs and their performance with each of their rare live appearances. At present, Minty are an underground group, but legends about the context of their shows are already proliferating. And the extreme contents of these legends have a basis in fact: most famously, Bowery gives birth to a blood and excrement covered woman, on stage, before vomiting in her mouth and giving her a cup of his urine to drink. In another piece, Bowery mimes coprophilia, his mouth smeared as he sings ‘only the crumbliest, flakiest chocolate…’ Ultimately, Bowery would like to perform with Minty on Top Of The Pops.

Hopefully, Minty will not become this year’s Sigue Sigue Sputnik: Pop has had ample time to weary of extreme and excessive performances, and tends to be cynical about what could be termed ‘outsider’ performance. Historically, however, Minty are well placed to find an audience amongst younger pop consumers who delight in the theatricality of Suede and will find that the sheer spectacle of Bowery’s performances offers them a unique engagement with targeted punk cabaret. Disconnected from pop history and the challenge which one pop era throws down to another, Minty can be seen as both continuing a tradition which runs from David Bowie to Throbbing Gristle - and developing that tradition for a new audience. Bowery’s involvement with pop owes more to The Sex Pistols than it does to Pop Art performance groups such as John Maybury’s Max. There is always humour in Bowery’s presentation, as well as an uncompromising idea of what art is or may be. Success, for Leigh Bowery, is little more than an occupational hazard.

http://www.frieze.com/issue/article/leigh_bowerys_immaculate_conception/

Interview with a Vampire - Anne Rice

This is the story of Louis, as told in his own words, of his journey through mortal and immortal life. Louis recounts how he became a vampire at the hands of the radiant and sinister Lestat and how he became indoctrinated, unwillingly, into the vampire way of life. His story ebbs and flows through the streets of New Orleans, defining crucial moments such as his discovery of the exquisite lost young child Claudia, wanting not to hurt but to comfort her with the last breaths of humanity he has inside. Yet, he makes Claudia a vampire, trapping her womanly passion, will, and intelligence inside the body of a small child. Louis and Claudia form a seemingly unbreakable alliance and even "settle down" for a while in the opulent French Quarter. Louis remembers Claudia's struggle to understand herself and the hatred they both have for Lestat that sends them halfway across the world to seek others of their kind. Louis and Claudia are desperate to find somewhere they belong, to find others who understand, and someone who knows what and why they are.

Louis and Claudia travel Europe, eventually coming to Paris and the ragingly successful Theatre des Vampires--a theatre of vampires pretending to be mortals pretending to be vampires. Here they meet the magnetic and ethereal Armand, who brings them into a whole society of vampires. But Louis and Claudia find that finding others like themselves provides no easy answers and in fact presents dangers they scarcely imagined.

http://www.annerice.com/bookshelf-interview.html 

Wednesday, 2 November 2011

The New Club Kids on the Block

http://www.dontpaniconline.com/magazine/style/the-new-club-kids-on-the-block
Written by Rebecca Fulleylove / 03 May 2011
The Noughties saw the return of a forgotten subculture in London’s club scene. Based heavily in the notion of ‘self-expression’, the new Club Kids movement can be traced back to London’s Blitz Kids with Adam Ant, Steve Strange and Siouxsie Sioux among others, as the face of Covent Garden nightclub, Blitz in the 80s and 90s. They in turn inspired the original Club Kids of New York City headed by Michael Alig and James St. James around the same time. Embracing the same outlandish ideologies and dress sense, the new generation of Club Kids have revived the underground club scene in an excess of DIY fashion and wearable art.
Difficult to miss, this kaleidoscope crowd caught the attention of London based fashion photographer and filmmaker, Oggy Yordanov. His blog and his new book, New Club Kids: London Party Fashion in the Noughties, documents in detail Oggy’s fascination with the non-conformist, colourful beauty of these individuals.
The original New York City Club Kids
What encouraged you to start blogging?
It's interesting that it was the book that actually became the reason for the blog. When I started selecting the photographs and work on the layout, it was decided that only the parties will be listed and no names, mainly because there are some people who wouldn't want to be named or recognised for a number of reasons. On the other hand, there are many who would be more than happy to be known and those are featured on the blog regularly. Also, many people were asking me "what is a club-kid?" when I mentioned the book, so it felt necessary to run the blog and try to explain that.
Oggy Yordanov
What drew you to focus on the Club Kids of London?
I love colourful people, creative and weird, the crazier the better. It’s an inspiration for me and all those pictures I have done for fun, for me, never as a job. I party a lot and I usually have a camera in hand just to make sure I don't miss a unique moment.

Whose style inspires you?
All of them, seriously, I like people who go to extremes to stand out and I admire the guts they have. I can't do that.

Are there other photographers whose work you admire?
Oh of course, lots. I have a dozen favourites - Horst P Horst, Herb Ritts, Steven Klein, Nick Knight, Guy Bourdin, the list goes on. Today pretty much anything goes fashion-wise, but is there an item of clothing that can still make or break an outfit? That would be shoes. Even if fierce, if you don't match them with the right style outfit, they can make it look tacky or sometimes help a boring outfit stand out if they're a statement.

Are you interested in any other fashion subcultures?
I am very much drawn to the fetish and latex scene, also the rockabillies with all the tattoos and headscarves.

Do you think with the release of this book that it could turn these Kids from being ‘underground’ to ‘overground’? Is that something you’d like to see happen, for it to become mainstream and out of London?
I would hate it to be too mainstream as that means it will probably end up looking like a costume-party style, it's not something that everyone can do well. I would love to see it happening in other places in the world though, but of course it will be picked-up by likeminded people, not just Lady Gaga copycats.

What’s next for you after the book?
I am currently working on a few fashion film projects, just finished my second one (Regarde-moi) and I'm working on my next exhibition (The Long Wait) which should be later in the year. It's a series of portraits done in the old technique of light painting. It's all very dark and weird, just as I like it.


The Flash Street Kids

http://www.guardian.co.uk/music/2008/oct/12/clubs-music
The Observer, Sunday 12 October 2008
A good nightclub needs its freaks. And this history of clubland eccentrics suggests they're back in droves, says Paul Mardles

There are those for whom nightclubs symbolise nothing more than a drug-fuelled alternative to the last bus home and the chance to canoodle with a goggle-eyed stranger. Phil Jackson, one of the contributors to Club Kids, a history of clubbing and its oddball revellers, from Steve Strange to George Melly, isn't one of them. 'A perfect party represents humanity at its best,' he writes, 'when every single person in the room assumes the role of host and strives to make everyone else welcome. It is at times like these that doubts about the human race can be temporarily put on hold.'
Bottom of Form
Club Kids, clearly, takes frivolity very, very seriously indeed, whether championing London's first nightclub, the Cave of the Golden Calf, or profiling DJ Matthew !Wowow!, one of the scenesters who give the book its title and whose 'simple dogma is a loving and inspirational approach to a future of creativity, collaboration and simplistic ways of being'.

Still, as heavy-handed as the text sometimes is, the photos of !Wowow! and his flamboyant peers (Molaroid, The-O, K-Tron, Walt Paper) underline clubland's new-found energy and zeal. Few, if any, were around five years ago when I edited dance music monthly Jockey Slut and clubland, starved of hedonistic, photogenic freaks, was deemed less thrilling and subversive than rock.

Little wonder then that, the new breed aside, Club Kids is weighed towards the Seventies and Eighties and some of the lesser-known characters and clubs. These include proto-goth hangout the Batcave and Marc Benecke, a 19-year-old New Yorker, whose job it was to guard the door at Studio 54 and prevent the 'little people' getting in. So dedicated was Benecke to this task that one man, told he had failed to make the grade, crawled through the club's air vent and, sadly, suffocated. For club kids, you suspect, there are few better ways to go.

Who's who at the Blitz

http://shapersofthe80s.com/blitz-kids/

The 50 crucial nightclubbers who set the style for a decade
“AN EVENING WITHIN THE ORBIT of London’s Blitz club superstars – and we’re talking about 50 people here – was more than entertaining. You were zapped with a very tangible electric shock — what we’d call today “sensory overload” — as if these exquisite, compulsive posers had revitalised Gilbert & George’s notion from 1969 of processing through the world as living sculptures. The Blitz Kids generated their own crackling versions of hyper-reality that defined the space around them. They included Kim, Julia, Judi, Melissa, Fiona, Jayne, Theresa, Myra, Scarlett, Clare, Michelle, Darla, Sade, Kate, Stevie, Naomi, Mandy, Helen, Jo, Perri and Christine . . . the Stephens Linard and Jones, Lee, John, Cerith, Simon, Iain, Andy, George, Marilyn, Wilf, Greg, Jeffrey, Christos, Graham, Neil, Dencil, Robert, the Holahs, the Richards Ostell and Sharah. A fair few other Blitz Kids, like Strange, Egan, Elms, Sullivan, Dagger, Haines, Ure, O’Donnell, Mole, Ball and Lewis, had the motormouth skills of energetic talkers and schemers who were, as we say today, “good in the room”. Above all, the best among them “made things happen” wherever they set foot. That’s why spending time with them was the best kind of fun – stimulating, argumentative and constructive, whether idling at a bar or bounding around the beach on Bournemouth bank holidays . . . ”
FIFTEEN FASHIONISTAS among the Blitz Kids shaped the New Romantics silhouette at Covent Garden’s Blitz club — they were Stephen Jones, Kim Bowen, Stephen Linard, Lee Sheldrick, Helen Robinson, Melissa Caplan, Fiona Dealey, Judi Frankland, Michele Clapton, David Holah, Stevie Stewart, Julia Fodor, Dinny Hall, Simon Withers and über-wag Chris Sullivan. Whatever talents Steve Strange and George O’Dowd had for courting publicity, they were entirely dependent on this elite corps of sharp-eyed designers to create the clothes that defined their idiosyncratic and ever-mutating identities.



Anita Berber

http://www.cabaret-berlin.com/?p=365

Anita Berber was born in Dresden on June 10th 1899 to Felix and Lucie Berber. Felix was First Violinist with the Municipal Orchestra and Lucie, an aspiring actress and singer. She was raised, mostly, by her grandmother in her early years and then exclusively so after her parents divorced in 1901 and, four years later, her mother left for Berlin and Rudolph Nelson’s Chat Noir cabaret stage.

At the age of 10 she was enrolled at the Jacque-Dalcroze Institute in Hellerau and thrived on its’ strict regime of physical training and Eurythmics. At 14, she re-joined her mother, now in Weimar, and studied French and Confectionary at an expensive girls’ boarding school. This was rapidly curtailed by the outbreak of the First World War that summer.

In 1915, both Anita and her mother moved to an apartment in Zähringer Strasse in Berlin’s Wilmersdorf district . Anita enrolled in acting classes and was spotted by the Avant-garde choreographer Rita Sacchetto. She made her debut with the dance-troupe in February 1916, alongside the young performance artist Valeska Gert.
Through 1916/17, Anita’s star was rising and she not only toured throughout Germany and Austria with the Sacchetto Troupe but also performed solo at the Berlin Wintergarten and was featured twice on the front cover of glossy women’s magazine Die Dame. By 1918 she had made her first of nine silent films, was becoming a sought-after model and was touring her own solo programme.
It was during an after-show party at a Vienna hotel, that a drunken Anita Berber danced naked in public for the first time.
In January of 1919, Anita married the wealthy young screenwriter Eberhard von Nathusius. Her film career was blossoming and in the spring of that year she appeared, alongside rising-star Conrad Veidt, as Else in the ground-breaking Richard Oswald film ‘Different From The Others” (Anders als die Anderen).
Meanwhile her personal life had begun spiralling out of control with tales of lesbian affairs and S&M sex emerging from her tour to Vienna and reaching the daily newspapers of Berlin.
Back in Berlin in the winter of 1919, Anita occupied a suite at the Adlon Hotel, spent wildly on furs, shoes and jewellery and indulged heavily in cocaine, cognac and all-manner of illicit narcotics smuggled from around Europe. She would spend her nights touring the hotels and elegant restaurants of the city, wearing nothing but a sable coat, and with her pet monkey around her neck along with an antique brooch packed full of cocaine.
Her cabaret career was flourishing alongside her growing reputation, and she was performing regularly at Max Rheinhardt’s literary “Schall und Rauch” stage, but her film career was not so stellar as her behaviour and addictions were making her a liability to work with.
By 1921 her sham marriage had collapsed completely, Von Nathusius divorced her and she dated a string of beautiful women, including, allegedly, the young Marlene Dietrich. But it was stylish bar-owner Susi Wanowski who won her heart and very quickly became her lover, manager and secretary.
Cabaret and film appearances continued unabated: in Rudolph Nelson’s revue ‘Bitte Zahlen” (Please Pay); in Fritz Lang’s film “Mabuse” and midnight shows at the tiny Weisse Maus cabaret in Friedrichstrasse.
In June 1922, Anita met the dancer and poet Sebastian Droste during a particularly wild night out at a Berlin casino. It was to be a life-changing encounter.
Anita and Sebastian were immediately drawn to one another and convinced they could create something bold, new and shocking.
Rehearsals began immediately with a fervour only matched by the pairs’ cocaine consumption. Very quickly Droste had replaced Susi as Anita’s manager and, by July of 1922, a series of performances of their new production “The Dances Of Depravity, Horror and Esctasy” had been booked for Vienna in November.
The next few months were filled with incident. Five weeks into rehearsals, the schedule and drug consumption took its’ toll and Anita checked into a Vienna Sanitorium. At the beginning of October her latest film with Richard Oswald “Lucrezia Borgia” was released to huge acclaim and a whistle-stop two week warm-up tour took her and Sebastian to Italy, Spain and France before their grand production opened in Vienna on November 14th.
Drostes less-than honest dealings with theatre promoters and the huge depts they had both run up were soon to cause them huge problems. Multiple bookings of ‘exclusive’ performances and several breaches of contracts with promoters soon got them both expelled from the International Artists Union and no variety stage in Europe, Britain or Turkey could book them for the next two years. By the end of the year, Anita had violated the ban several times, been arrested for assault and theft, and was expelled from Vienna.
In January 1923 Anita and Sebastian were married.
The IAU ban severely restricted their work, and so in March 1923 they undertook a five-month nightclub tour of Italy and Yugoslavia. They returned to Berlin in September but their relationship had reached a low and both were now hopelessly dependant on Cocaine. A month later, Sebastian stole Anita’s furs and jewellery, sold them and fled to New York.
By early 1924, a rested and rejuvenated Anita was back living at Zähringer Strasse with her mother and ready to work again. In August, she attend a performance by the American dancer Henri Chatin-Hoffman at Berlin’s Blüthne-Saal, fell instantly in love with him and they were married two weeks later.
Although working regularly at the Rampe, Schall und Rauch, and Cafe Grössenwahn, Anita and Henri premiered their first collaboration “Shipwrecked” in Stuttgart in April 1925.
In October the duo began a nationwide tour of their production and it was whilst they were in Düsseldorf that the artist Otto Dix painted his, now iconic, portrait ‘The Dancer Anita Berber’
In June 1926, Anita and Henri were on tour with their new production “Dances of Sex and Ecstasy”. Whilst in Zagreb, Anita publicly insulted the King of Yugoslavia and was imprisoned for six weeks. Back in Berlin, both Anita and Henri were now broke and Anita returned to the cabaret circuit.
Friends urged them to come to the Netherlands to perform in a new revue which opened that October and lead to them both undertaking a considerable tour, keeping them away from Berlin for nearly the next two years. A Middle Eastern tour began in Athens and took them to Cairo, Beirut and Damascus where Henri pleaded with Anita to give up drinking.
On the night of July 13th 1928, Anita collapsed whilst performing at a Beirut nightclub, and was diagnosed with an advanced state of pulmonary tuberculosis. She desperately wanted to go home.
The journey home took four months, with Anita needing time to recuperate at each stage. Their money had been swallowed by the costs of transport, and in Berlin collections were being made backstage at cabaret venues to fund the last stages of the journey. Finally arriving in Berlin from Prague, Anita was taken straight to the Bethanien Hospital in Kreuzberg.
Four months later, on November 10th 1928, she died and was buried in a paupers grave at St. Thomas Friedhof in Neuköln.

Welcome to 1920's Berlin


http://www.guardian.co.uk/travel/2010/may/22/berlin-city-break
Helen Pidd, The Guardian, Saturday 22 May 2010

The decadence of the 1920s is back in fashion in the German capital, so vamp it up like Dietrich with our tips on everything from the best bars for a glass of absinthe to where to shop for that vintage party frock.
Twenties-somethings ... don't even think about turning up at the Boheme Sauvage club night unless you've made an effort to dress up
Whether you want to have sex with strangers (kitkatclub.de), or dance to techno until teatime (berghain.de), Berlin has long been the place to do it. The taste for excess in this magnet for hedonists is often considered a modern phenomenon, shaped by electronic music and fuelled by chemicals. But Berlin's reputation as a party town stems from the glorious years between 1924 and 1929.
Then, amid the political turmoil and civil unrest of the Weimar Republic, pleasure-seekers flocked to the city to dress up, dance, drink and express themselves – be it in theatre (Bertolt Brecht), film (Marlene Dietrich, Fritz Lang), architecture (Erich Mendelsohn, Mies van der Rohe), art (Otto Dix, George Grosz) or literature (Christopher Isherwood).

Now, with the historical resonance turned up to 11 as Germany's squabbling government tries to drag the country out of recession, Berlin's creative types have decided this is the time for a 1920s revival. Know where to go and you can dress up as a flapper, dance the Charleston, drink absinthe while smoking from a foot-long cigarette holder and generally behave as though the Second Reich is going to hell in a handcart. From 23-29 August, the city will be overrun with people dressed in 20s costume at the annual Historiale history festival. But you don't need to wait till then. Head to Berlin at any time and still get a taste for what the city was like during the Golden Twenties.